China wants to charm the world

Along with 14 journalists and editors from the region, I was in China recently at the invitation of the Communist Party of China (CCP) for a familiarisation visit. During the eight-day trip, the media representatives from Singapore, Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand met party and government officials, heads of state-owned enterprises and university administrators in the southern cities of Guangzhou and Nanning, and the capital Beijing.

The Chinese hosts were warm and hospitable, which was not surprising. What was surprising was that most of them were also candid and frank in sharing their assessments of the challenges China faces and in wanting to know how China was perceived by other countries. These are my four takeaways from the visit.

STILL ON A HISTORIC JOURNEY

Even after unprecedented growth over the past two decades to become the world’s second-largest economy, there is a prevailing sense in China that it is far from becoming a great nation and global power.

Officials, for instance, reiterated that China’s gross domestic product per capita was still lower than that of many developed countries. They also acknowledge that there are daunting domestic challenges brought about by China’s meteoric rise and its priority is on tackling issues such as social injustice, corruption, pollution and economic reform. On its global outlook, officials maintain that what China is seeking is peaceful development and stability, not regional hegemony and antagonism. While there may be occasional disputes among neighbours, Beijing is committed to resolving any disputes peacefully.

MISUNDERSTOOD CHINA?

China feels it is not well-understood by the world, which Beijing thinks is dominated by Western narratives on democracy, human rights and rule of law. So it has embarked on a public relations campaign to explain China’s positions on these issues.

As President Xi Jinping said earlier this month during the CCP’s central conference on foreign policy: “We should increase China’s soft power, give a good Chinese narrative and better communicate China’s message to the world.” Believing that foreign media can promote better understanding of the country, the CCP started inviting foreign journalists on study visits to China a few years ago. At least eight delegations comprising more than 80 journalists and editors from South-east and South Asia have participated in the visits this year.

Chinese diplomats overseas are also apparently stepping up the charm offensive in their host countries. This means that we are likely to hear more robust exchanges on issues where China differs from the West, including censorship, intellectual property, democracy, human rights and rule of law.

LEADER OF THE REGION

China wants the Association of South-east Asian Nations (ASEAN) to embrace its leadership of the region and follow its “Asia-Pacific dream”. What Chinese officials did not say directly is that ASEAN should rely less on the United States and President Barack Obama’s so-called “pivot” to Asia. Instead, they pointed to China’s recent setting up of a US$40 billion (S$52.2 billion) Silk Road Fund and pledging half of the US$50 billion starting capital for the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank to boost connectivity and infrastructure development across Asia as initiatives that showcase Beijing’s role as a regional leader.

Both initiatives are components of a Chinese-driven Asia-Pacific dream, outlined by Mr Xi at the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit last month. The CCP chief had said that as China grew, it will offer new initiatives and visions for enhancing regional cooperation. “We have the responsibility to create and realise an Asia-Pacific dream for the people of the region,” he added.

It is not clear what China will do if its courtship of ASEAN does not go its way. What is clear though is that ASEAN can expect more pressure from China to lean towards Beijing.

CURIOUS HOW ASEAN VIEWS CHINA

While China sees little reason for ASEAN not to embrace China’s leadership of the region, it remains curious how it is perceived by ASEAN countries. This manifested itself in different ways throughout the trip, including questions from officials and an interesting feedback questionnaire that the media delegation was asked to fill.

One question read: “Before you visited China, what was your impression of it?” The choices were: 1) A big neighbouring country who bullies small countries around it; 2) A threatening country; 3) A Communist country; 4) A country that follows a peaceful path; 5) The world’s second-largest economy and a military power; and 6) A relatively open and prosperous country.

Another question read: “How do people see the South China Sea issue (i.e. China’s territorial disputes with several ASEAN countries).” The choices were: 1) It should be resolved by relevant parties through negotiations; 2) It should be handed to a third party for arbitration; 3) Countries outside the region have no right to interfere; and 4) It shows China’s ambitions for territorial expansion.

The four takeaways raise several questions. Is China misunderstood? Will China’s charm offensive work? Will ASEAN countries hedge their bets on China over the US?

China’s assertive behaviour in the region — including its unilateral setting up of an Air Defence Identification Zone in the East China Sea last year and the deployment of an oil rig in disputed waters with Vietnam this year — has caused unease among its neighbours. China obviously knows this, but it has done little to assuage their concerns with its inconsistent actions.

The recent release of its position paper on the South China Sea territorial disputes is a case in point. Some may see it as an attempt by China to explain its legal and political position on the issue. ASEAN countries are more likely to interpret it as another sign that China wants to settle the disputes on its own terms.

China’s behaviour is hard to comprehend given that it wants to be seen as a responsible rising power and that Chinese officials are genuinely keen to know how China is perceived by the region. Its officials stress that the nation’s territorial disputes in the South China Sea with several ASEAN countries are only one part of the overall relationship be tween both sides, and that they should not affect broader collaboration by the parties involved. What is more important is for both sides to show sincerity and commitment in deepening ties. Such rhetoric may not fly with some ASEAN countries. Just ask the Philippines.

Towards the end of the visit, I suggested to a senior CCP official that what ASEAN would probably hope for is a powerful, benign China as a balance to the US. I added that just because a country is powerful, it does not mean it has to show it is powerful.

The official’s response was illuminating. She said that if you are a small country, no one at the table will notice you. If you are a big country, you cannot hide from the table even if you want to. This, I think, may be a long public relations campaign for Beijing.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR:

Jason Tan is associate editor at TODAY.