Skip to main content

Advertisement

Advertisement

Will it be new era in Malaysian politics?

Malaysian voters woke up the morning after the 13th general election (GE) wondering whether they had entered a new era in the country’s politics — and whether this new phase is something to be cheered or worried about.

Mr Najib’s immediate priorities, apart from charting national reconciliation, will be to form his new Cabinet and prepare for UMNO’s own election later this year. Photo: Reuters

Mr Najib’s immediate priorities, apart from charting national reconciliation, will be to form his new Cabinet and prepare for UMNO’s own election later this year. Photo: Reuters

Follow TODAY on WhatsApp

Malaysian voters woke up the morning after the 13th general election (GE) wondering whether they had entered a new era in the country’s politics — and whether this new phase is something to be cheered or worried about.

Those who wanted to see continuity and stability were pleased the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) back in power, albeit with a reduced majority. Now, they expect Prime Minister Najib Razak to fulfil his long list of promises of political and economic transformation made during the hustings.

Those who wanted change must have been disappointed that they were getting essentially more of the same. But is it so?

Mr Najib’s BN entered the GE on the defensive; he vowed to regain the two-third majority lost in 2008 when the much-vaunted political tsunami swept the country in favour of the opposition. The Anwar Ibrahim-led Pakatan Rakyat (PR) appeared on the march to take over federal power in Putrajaya. As it turned out, that 2008 tsunami was stopped in its tracks, with the BN winning 133 seats over the PR’s 89 and the mandate to form the government.

Mr Najib even won back one of four states lost in 2008 — Kedah. In the eyes of many BN supporters, he had rescued the BN ship from sinking. The immediate impact of the results is to put the country back on the road of political stability and economic certainty.

MISSES

But the BN’s 133 seats is a step down from 140 and short of the psychologically significant two-third majority crucial for constitutional amendments. Winning back Kedah may be good for the BN’s morale but Kedah is not Selangor, which is rich, industrialised and politically and economically strategic.

In fact, the BN’s support had actually eroded: Many state assembly seats were lost to the opposition; the BN retained Trengganu only by a close margin; indeed in four states — Terengganu, Perak, Kedah and Negri Sembilan — the BN did not win with a two-third majority.

Further, four ministers, three deputy ministers and two chief ministers — Johor’s Ghani Othman and Malacca’s Ali Rustam — lost their fights. But the opposition also suffered an erosion of support, with several Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS) and Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) leaders losing.

In other words, Mr Najib may have won his first electoral mandate to lead, but on balance, the BN’s victory may not be as sweet as it should have been. Indeed, former Finance Minister Daim Zainuddin has warned his political career could come under pressure among UMNO members.

CHINESE OR URBAN TSUNAMI?

Mr Najib implicitly blamed the limited victory on what he called the “Chinese tsunami” — ethnic Chinese voters deserting the BN in droves for the PR. In other words, the nationwide tsunami of 2008 had become a tsunami by Chinese voters against the Chinese-based parties in the BN, especially the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) and Gerakan in the peninsular. MCA leaders lost half the seats they won in 2008, raising the prospect of no Chinese representation in the next Cabinet.

The Chinese tsunami even swept aside Johor’s Mentri Besar Ghani Othman, who had valiantly tried to stand in its way; the Democratic Action Party’s (DAP) Lim Kit Siang could not be stopped as the emergent opposition leader in a state that was UMNO’s historical bastion. Yet, the Chinese tsunami was not strong enough to capture Johor, though it set the stage for the PR to make further inroads here in the next GE.

But some Malaysian commentators and opposition leaders argue that it is a mistake to view this opposition tide as a “Chinese tsunami”. The DAP, which gained most, could not have done it without the support of its Malay and Muslim allies in Mr Anwar’s PKR and the Islamist PAS. Mr Lim could not have won his huge majority against Mr Ghani on the back of the Chinese alone in Gelang Patah.

DAP leader Lim Guan Eng and Mr Anwar said the PR made gains in many Malay majority areas, such as Kelantan, Terengganu and Selangor.

This means there must have been Malay support for the DAP in a display of cross-ethnic support reminiscent of the 2008 tsunami. Indeed, the PR as an opposition coalition is all about cross-ethnic political collaboration outside the BN framework.

And the Chinese tsunami may well have been a tsunami of urban voters involving all races who wanted change. Notably, overall, while the PR lost the election in terms of seats won, it actually pipped the BN in the popular vote.

NATIONAL RECONCILIATION

In the wake of this mixed outcome, Mr Najib called for a process of “national reconciliation” to contain the trend towards polarisation. It is not, however, clear what this would entail.

While it suggests an attempt to close what he saw as a growing ethnic divide, he has yet to clarify what he means by national reconciliation — who are the groups to be reconciled. If it is to include political parties, will it involve, for instance, the MCA, Gerakan and the DAP within the Chinese community on the one hand, and UMNO, the PAS and the PKR for the Malay community, on the other?

Will voters who support them be happy? National reconciliation will inevitably also mean Malay unity talks. While it will be easier between UMNO and the PAS, it will not be so with the PKR. Will key UMNO leaders, including former Premier Mahathir Mohamad, accept a reconciliation with Mr Anwar?

In the meanwhile, Mr Anwar has reconsidered his plan to retire, saying his work is not done yet, given the electoral outcome. He had earlier stated he would quit should he not succeed in his Putrajaya mission. Will Mr Anwar’s continued presence make national reconciliation easier or more difficult?

Mr Najib’s immediate priorities, apart from charting national reconciliation, will be to form his new Cabinet and prepare the ground for the next big election — UMNO’s own later this year. Will there be rumblings against him, or will he be endorsed without question as the leader who will take UMNO, the BN and the whole country towards the vision of a developed state by 2020?

ABOUT THE AUTHOR:

Yang Razali Kassim is Senior Fellow with the S Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University. He has been following the just-concluded general election.

Related topics

Malaysia

Read more of the latest in

Advertisement

Advertisement

Stay in the know. Anytime. Anywhere.

Subscribe to get daily news updates, insights and must reads delivered straight to your inbox.

By clicking subscribe, I agree for my personal data to be used to send me TODAY newsletters, promotional offers and for research and analysis.