Why S’pore needs strong democratic institutions

People’s Action Party (PAP) chief Lee Hsien Loong recently declared its intention to regain the three opposition constituencies (“Next GE a deadly serious fight for S’pore’s future: PM”; Dec 8).

He has stated that a two-party system of politics is not feasible here. And over the past 50 years, Singapore has thrived economically under one-party dominance. Few can dispute that former Premier Lee Kuan Yew is a political strongman.

After separation from Malaysia, Singapore was in survival mode. People rallied behind the Government and accorded it great power.

With foresight and competence, the leadership delivered. In one generation, the country was lifted from Third World to First.

In difficult times, people were willing to sacrifice some personal liberty. Having little appetite for political confrontation, they were generally uninterested in the fate of those who opposed the Government. The more it delivered, the more trust it earned.

In turn, the ruling party became more dominant and was able to confront economic and political challenges with ruthless efficiency. History will judge whether this was a worthwhile trade-off.

Nevertheless, we must remember that this happened in extraordinary circumstances and was driven by an extraordinary man.

In the post-strongman era, however, the same political model may be a bad option, as the PAP’s fourth-generation leaders face a different world.

Given the relatively short time of expected succession, they will probably not have the opportunities to undergo the baptism of fire the pioneers did in earning the people’s trust.

Do we expect Singapore’s new electorate to accord them the same unquestioned obedience their parents did with the pioneers?

Government-linked companies and a few large family holdings now control many major industries, including property, finance, telecommunications, media and transport. A strongman who commands compliance can manage the distribution of power and interests.

Without strong control, these dominant business groups can evolve into oligopolies wielding large financial and political power.

They would be unelected and need not be accountable to the electorate. It would then be more challenging to reverse the rich-poor divide.

Without strong, independent institutions for checks and balances, the economically disenfranchised may be forced to take to the streets instead.

The recent Sunflower Movement in Taiwan and Umbrella Revolution in Hong Kong are stark reminders.

The political landscape that delivered the Singapore miracle was ruthlessly effective when special circumstances were met with a special man. We cannot, however, rest Singapore’s future on the hope that such a combination will again coincide.

Our generation should therefore endeavour to build and nurture strong democratic institutions.