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Why Johor wants to be involved in RTS

While much media attention has focussed on the High-Speed Rail (HSR) between Singapore and Kuala Lumpur, it is actually the Rapid Transit System (RTS) that has the most transformative potential.

Minister in Prime Minister's Department Abdul Rahman Dahlan (right) Monday (Sept 25) said he had an audience with the Sultan last week and cleared the air about the project's proposed design. Photo: New Straits Times

Minister in Prime Minister's Department Abdul Rahman Dahlan (right) Monday (Sept 25) said he had an audience with the Sultan last week and cleared the air about the project's proposed design. Photo: New Straits Times

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While much media attention has focussed on the High-Speed Rail (HSR) between Singapore and Kuala Lumpur, it is actually the Rapid Transit System (RTS) that has the most transformative potential. The planned direct link between the city-state and downtown Johor Baru will significantly reduce commuting time for the hundreds of thousands of people who cross the border every day. 

Discussions on the RTS began some seven years ago, gained momentum late last year, and entered a critical phase last month. Following a meeting in July between senior officials from both countries, including Coordinating Minister for Infrastructure and Minister for Transport Khaw Boon Wan and the Minister in Malaysia’s Prime Minister’s Department Abdul Rahman Dahlan, several important technical decisions were announced. While these developments are the fruit of hours of toil and painstaking negotiations, even the best-laid plans of men can go awry. 

But, first the details. According to the latest statements, the RTS will come on-line by end-2024, and will have an estimated carrying capacity of 10,000 passengers per hour in each direction. Second, the 4km cross-border link will have only two stations, Woodlands North in Singapore and Bukit Chagar in Malaysia. On the Singapore side, the RTS will link up with the planned Thomson–East Coast MRT line. The two RTS end-stations will have co-located customs facilities, meaning that passengers need to clear formalities for both countries on one side only. And, rather than a tunnel, the train will cross the Johor Strait on a curved, elevated bridge. 

Like the HSR, the civil engineering works in each country, such as the construction of the tunnels and stations, will be funded, carried out and maintained by separate infrastructure companies appointed by the respective governments. Unlike with the HSR, the company operating the train service, tracks and signalling system will not be selected via tender but be directly appointed. The authorities have expressed a preference for joint ventures by Singaporean and Malaysian operators, to promote cross-border cooperation. At present, Singapore transport operator SMRT and Malaysia’s Ministry of Finance-owned Prasarana are exploring the options. 

With wind once again filling the RTS’ sails, Johor Sultan Ibrahim Sultan Iskandar surprised many last week when he publicly expressed reservations about numerous aspects of the planned transport link. The ruler disagreed with the bridge’s curve and elevation, preferring a straighter, lower — and presumably cheaper — design. He reminded Malaysians that land issues in Johor are a state government responsibility, and urged that he be consulted about future developments regarding the RTS. 

The Sultan also questioned the choice of the federally-owned Prasarana as the Malaysian partner in the joint venture, stating that a Johor state government operator would be better and that he could raise the capital, if necessary. 

Beyond the specifics of his proposals, it is worth asking what lies behind the Sultan’s statements. They are framed within a specific political and historical backdrop, of which three main aspects stand out.
First, these comments can be seen as part of a push by Malaysia’s royal houses to reclaim political space and authority. Sultans are ceremonial rulers and executive power rests with the prime minister at the national level and the chief minister — or Mentri Besar — of each state. However, sultans are responsible for religion and Malay culture at the state level. 

In addition, a number of constitutional provisions as well as close ties with each state’s civil service mean that the influence of traditional rulers is extensive. During Dr Mahathir Mohamed’s prime ministership, royal prerogatives were significantly curtailed. However, after his tenure and particularly following the 2008 general elections, the sultans have sought to increase their influence. Of note were high-profile moves by the sultans of Perak and, subsequently, Selangor to determine the choice of Mentri Besar in their respective states. 

Second, the Sultan’s demand that Johor be more fully involved in bilateral matters between Malaysia and Singapore harks back to pre-independence days. During the colonial period, sultans exercised a much wider range of prerogatives within their respective territories. 

Johor, in particular, had more autonomy due to its wealth, lineage of progressive sultans, and central location between Singapore and the Federated Malay States. The sultanate had its own army, slightly different reporting arrangements with the British, as well as a de facto embassy in London to lobby decision-makers.

During this period, key agreements were made between the British and Johor that were to shape relations between Singapore and Malaysia. For example, the 1961 and 1962 water agreements between the two countries are based on a prior pact signed in 1927 between the municipality of Singapore and Johor. The current contours of the southern border between Singapore and Malaysia were established in 1928, in the Straits Settlements and Johore Territorial Waters (Agreement) Act, signed between Sultan Ibrahim of Johor and the Governor of the Straits Settlements. 

Indeed, many are not aware that two-thirds of the cost of building the Causeway was borne by the current sultan’s great-grandfather, Sultan Ibrahim. Initial plans for the crossing contemplated rail traffic between Singapore and Johor only. Sultan Ibrahim requested that the Causeway be widened to allow vehicles and pedestrians to use it. The governments of the Straits Settlements and Federated Malay States refused to fund it, and the Sultan paid the extra cost out of Johor’s coffers.

Third, Sultan Ibrahim Sultan Iskandar has grand ambitions for his state and exercises his influence visibly. Since ascending to the throne in 2010, he has reinstated the Islamic week and weighed in on issues such as  religion and culture; public health; the environment; land management; and education. He has also promoted the concept of “Bangsa Johor”, a unique state-level identity rooted in the state’s economic dynamism and good intra-ethnic relations. 

The Sultan has also taken an active interest in economic issues. He has proposed establishing a Bank of Johor to provide credit to the state’s residents; a maglev train running from Johor’s east to west; and a large-scale low-cost housing scheme. It is worth noting that Forest City — a large-scale real estate project based on artificial islands being built off south-western Johor — was first put forward by the Sultan, who is also one of its backers.

While Malaysia is a federation, its governance structure is heavily skewed towards the centre. Unlike other federal systems, Malaysia’s central government raises and spends some 90 per cent of revenue, leaving its 13 state governments to split the remaining 10 per cent. 

That said, state governments have jurisdiction over land matters, which are key for initiatives such as the RTS and HSR. And, given Johor’s history, the state’s location, and the ambitions of its ruler, it is a player that needs — in Malaysia at least — to be kept onside. 

ABOUT THE AUTHOR:
Francis E Hutchinson is a Senior Fellow and Coordinator of the Regional Economics and Malaysia Studies Programmes at the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute.

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