Post-conflict Maluku faces polls test

On Nov 14, in the middle of a Constitutional Court session in Jakarta, a group of young supporters of a losing candidate from the first round of the recent Maluku gubernatorial election disrupted the proceedings.

Apparently frustrated by the court’s decision not to entertain their leader’s appeal, they stormed the courtroom, chasing the justices into their anteroom.

This is just the latest blow to the prestige of the Constitutional Court, already reeling from the arrest of its former Chief Justice by the anti-corruption agency.

The outburst caught many by surprise and the swift round of condemnation from the President downwards was only to be expected.

Nonetheless, the stakes in the Maluku gubernatorial contest are high. Having endured three years of horrific violence from 1999-2002 — which cost at least 5,000 lives — the province is facing its first real transition of power since the signing of the Malino peace accords back in 2002.

Why?

Well, Mr Karel Albert Ralahalu, a Christian, has been Governor of Maluku for the past 10 years.

The upcoming gubernatorial run-off — set for the middle of next month — will, however, be between the incumbent Deputy Governor Said Assagaf and Mr Abdullah Vanath, Mayor of Seram Timur district.

Both are Muslims with Christians as their running-mates.

Religion matters in Maluku — as much, if not more than anywhere else in Indonesia — if only because its socio-political landscape was transformed by the conflict between Muslims and Christians.

The Malino accords were meant not only to bring peace, but also end the deep-rooted mistrust between the two groups.

Very broadly, the pact called for Christians and Muslims to share power in the province equally.

In practice, the power-sharing has manifested itself in series of “mixed-tickets” for district heads and Mayors. So, for instance, if a Christian runs for Mayor, he or she is expected to find a Muslim running-mate and vice-versa.

Also, as government spending and jobs make up such an important chunk of Maluku’s economic activity, control over the civil service is critical and efforts are made to ensure that appointments are equally proportioned to both communities.

How people will react to having a Muslim Governor for the first time post-conflict is a real test of the province’s power-sharing system and, in effect, Indonesia’s own democratic transition.

After the fall of Suharto, decentralisation has helped ease tensions between the capital Jakarta and the regions. With power diffused, politics is no longer Jakarta-centric.

The shift of power away from Jakarta was done with the stated goal of promoting better administration, more equitable resource distribution and representative government.

However, in terms of administration, decentralisation has been chequered. For every Ridwan Kamil (Bandung Mayor) or Tri Rismaharini (Surabaya Mayor), there are scores of failures, such as Governor Ratu Atut Chosiyah’s clan in Banten.

Maluku’s turmoil adds complexity to the issue. Has decentralisation facilitated or hindered the peace process there?

While decentralisation gives local elites platforms to pursue their agendas instead of resorting to violence, critics have claimed that it does nothing to resolve underlying tensions and vested interests in post-conflict societies.

Fortunately, the trend — thus far — has been for the people of Maluku to focus on their common cultural heritage and inter-religious cooperation rather than a power grab.

Still, the fracas at the Constitutional Court shows that feelings, especially when it comes to politics, still run high. Indeed, during my recent trips to Maluku’s capital, Ambon, I got a sense that people have mixed feelings about the future.

Some are optimistic that the election, while intense, is a necessary step in the maturation of the peace brought about by Malino. For others, the memories of the 1999-2002 riots make all the talk about decentralisation seem, at best, a luxury that their province can ill-afford or, at worst, a sham.

Still, I remain convinced decentralisation will continue to not only unite Indonesia, but also bring it progress.

At the end of the day, wisdom, courage and willpower from both leaders and the people will be necessary for decentralisation to be a success.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR:

Karim Raslan is a columnist who divides his time between Indonesia and Malaysia.