SINGAPORE — A key feature of Mr Xi Jinping’s first five-year term as president has been the way he has consolidated power, and this would not have been possible without a high-profile anti-graft campaign, as well as his forming of a loyal leadership core, experts said yesterday.

Speaking during a conference on China’s upcoming 19th Party Congress, organised by the East Asian Institute, China watcher You Ji noted that Mr Xi’s leadership style — “he has ruled China more as a statesman rather than a technocrat such as his predecessor Hu Jintao” — has helped in consolidating his power.

This has involved the 63-year-old “building up a firm leadership core that would prevent the emergence of challenges to his authority”.

Without this core, there would be infighting among the higher echelons of Chinese Communist Party (CCP) leadership, noted Professor You, who is with the Department of Government and Public Administration at the University of Macau.

As a result, Mr Xi has managed to bring about a sense of “unity and harmony” among the CCP leaders, Prof You added.

Mr Xi appears to have consolidated power quickly — and decisively — in the past few years, with demotions and promotions that have resulted in the installing of key allies in task forces more powerful than party committees.

Moreover, trust and loyalty, instead of experience, appear to drive these appointments, which help build his influence.

For example, Mr Liu Cigui, who was the Governor of Hainan province from 2015 until last month, advanced his career in Fujian province and fostered close links with Mr Xi when the latter served as Fujian’s Governor. Mr Liu is now Hainan’s Communist Party Secretary, which is the highest political office in its area of jurisdiction.

Mr Xi has done the same for the all-powerful People’s Liberation Army (PLA), and strengthened his personal authority as a result.

“The People’s Liberation Army is now Xi’s primary power base,” added Prof You.

Over the past few decades, the PLA has developed a reputation for factionalism and thumbing its nose at its political masters. Previous leaders have tolerated this, but Mr Xi evidently sees it as one of the priorities of his government.

By reshuffling top PLA commanders to promote senior officers close to him, he has ensured that he controls a vital power base in China.

PLA Navy Political Commissar Miao Hua and Commanding Officer of the Western Theater Command Zhao Zongqi are among the generals who are believed to be close to the president.

Since he assumed office, Mr Xi has waged war on corruption, as he warns that the problem is so bad it could affect the ruling CCP’s grip on power.

The campaign has targeted government officials, state-owned enterprises and the military, and the fallout has affected everything from the prices of luxury goods in Hong Kong to gambling revenue in Macau as wealthy Chinese cut back on conspicuous spending to avoid attracting suspicion.

Dozens of senior figures have been jailed for corruption and abusing their positions, including once-powerful domestic security chief Zhou Yongkang.

Observers are watching the 19th Party Congress, likely to be held in autumn, closely, with five seats in the powerful Politburo Standing Committee up for grabs as the current generation of leaders is slated to retire.

China watcher Kjeld Erik Brodsgaard noted that the ongoing fight against graft has helped Mr Xi’s cause in strengthening his personal authority.

“Mr Xi drew up an ambitious reform programme after taking power, and it was the most ambitious of its kind since December 1978 (when Deng Xiaoping took power),” said noted Professor Brodsgaard, who is with the China Studies Programme at Denmark’s Copenhagen Business School.

“However, most of the reform proposals remain on paper to date, as Xi has concentrated on consolidating his power through a high-profile anti-corruption campaign.

“More than 40 ‘tigers’ (senior officials) and several hundred thousand ‘flies’ (lower-ranking cadres) have been nabbed, and there is no end in sight to the fight against graft,” added Prof Brodsgaard. WITH AGENCIES